Elections are said to be the “festival of democracy". In a democratic polity like India, the general elections are held, normally every five years, with much fanfare. In the electoral process, political parties put up their candidates and leave no stone unturned to garner the support of every voter living in their respective constituencies. In the electoral fray, all the parties and their candidates are viewed on an equal footing by the Election Commission of India which is the apex body for conducting the elections. In modern parlance it can be said they are given a ‘level playing field’ by the ECI so that the ‘candidates, political parties and their campaigners do not exercise undue influence on voters by excessive use of money and muscle power or by their mendacity.’1 Undoubtedly, an election in a democracy is the most crucial event. ‘A vote is meant to be a social contract based on faith and facts.’2 In this backdrop, the concept of a model code of conduct evolved over many years. The Model Code of Conduct happens to be a unique consensual arrangement. ‘In six decades of its existence, the code constructed by the consent of political parties, has become the face of the conduct of elections. Some provisions may have the backing of the law. The code exercises moral authority to keep campaign behaviour on track. Often, the EC is judged by the way it enforces this code.’3 Truly said, the Model Code of Conduct is more of a moral code than a legal one. The reason is simple-the democracy itself thrives well on moral and ethical principles which give strength to its roots besides the concepts of rule of law and a constitutional mandate.
The Model Code of Conduct was introduced initially as a ‘small set of dos and don'ts’ for the Assembly elections in Kerala in 1960. Its coverage included the conduct of election meetings, processions, speeches, slogans, posters and placards. At the time, KVK Sundaram was the Chief Election Commissioner of India. Later, in 1968, during the tenure of SP Sen Verma, the CEC, a consultation process was started with political parties, and the Election Commission of India circulated a Code to ‘observe minimum standards of behaviour to ensure free and fair elections.’ It became a practice of the Election Commission afterwards to circulate the Code before every general election. In 1979, during the tenure of SL Shakdhar as the CEC, the Election Commission in consultation with the political parties further amplified the Code. It added a new section putting restrictions on the ‘party in power’ to prevent abuse of position to get undue advantage over other parties and candidates. In 1991, the MCC was consolidated and reissued. Its provisions were vigorously enforced in letter and spirit under the unflinching leadership of the redoubtable CEC, TN Seshan.4 The adoption of the MCC raised the hope that all the stakeholders would imbibe a sense of self-restraint during the electoral process. The ECI describes the MCC as the ‘singular contribution by political parties to the cause of democracy in India.’5
At the core of MCC, there are four principal stakeholders, namely, candidates, political parties, ruling party and bureaucracy. The last two belong to the ruling dispensation, yet the Code applies to them separately, too.
b. The bulk of the Code encompasses violations otherwise covered in law, such as, not to “aggravate existing differences or create mutual hatred or cause tension between different caste and communities”, or not to level “unverified allegations” and launch personal criticism, or not appealing “to caste or communal feelings for securing votes”, or parties and candidates not resorting to “corrupt practices". The Code mandates that parties and their workers will not disrupt the activities of rival parties. Further, the Code contains provisions regarding campaign meetings, processions, polling booths and election manifestos.
c. Model Code of Conduct is conceived in the manner to ensure that the ruling party is not able to garner undue advantage over the opposition parties in general. A full chapter (Part VII) of the Code contains the requisite provisions which places restrictions on ruling parties and the government of the day. It says that ministers shall not use official machinery or personnel during electioneering work, sanction grants or payments out of discretionary funds, announce or promise financial grants in any form, lay foundation stones for projects, make promises of projects like roads, water facilities etc. or make ad hoc appointments in government/public sector undertakings. ‘This is necessary to strip the ruling party of its incumbency advantage that disturbs the level playing field.’6 Further, the Cabinet Secretary and State Chief Secretaries have been asked to ensure the use of official vehicles is restricted for political activities, and photographs of political functionaries removed from official websites. ‘By deflating the official apparatus attached to a minister, the attempt is to make him an equal, and not more than equal.’7
In case of violation of the MCC, action is generally limited to censure of or reprimand to an individual. However, the Commission may also write to political parties advising them to ensure that their members do not attempt any violation of MCC. Such advice has sometimes been issued to state governments, in case the budget sessions of their legislatures fall during the election period. It asked them to consider bringing in a “vote of account” instead of the regular budget to avoid the violation of MCC by introducing alluring schemes. In such cases, the governments have always accepted the advice of the Election Commission. Such a piquant situation arose in Goa in May 2012 when a by-election was announced. But before that, a representation was made before the EC that the Chief Minister wanted to induct a minister into the Council of Ministers. The election was scheduled for June 2, 2012. Accordingly, a message was sent by the CEC, SY Quraishi to defer the induction of the minister. Though the CM, Manohar Parrikar, has a constitutional right to expand his ministry any time, he followed the advice of the EC, saying that- “He (CM) bows to the moral authority of the Model Code of Conduct, which should take precedence over his constitutional right.”8
In the current election scenario, the Model Code of Conduct came into effect on March 16, 2024. In the following month, (March 16-April 16), the EC received 200 complaints of MCC violations, out of which the Commission has acted on 169 complaints. Party-wise position is as such:
Party's Name | Complaints received | Action taken |
BJP | 51 | 38 |
Congress | 59 | 51 |
Others | 90 | 80 |
This disclosure has been described by the Commission as “first of its kind” exercise aimed at transparency so ‘that misgivings and insinuations at times coming from certain quarters, however small or limited, are addressed and stopped.’9
In the Indian context, the pattern of electioneering is changing fast. Over the years, the political parties and the candidates try to adopt new and ingenious means to evade the provisions of the model code of conduct. Moreover, the enhanced use of technology has also aggravated the situation. Keeping these factors in view, there is an urgent need to reform the model code of conduct. The following suggestions are worth considering-
Elections in India have become very frequent, and a new crop of politicians have come up fast with a single aim of winning elections in any manner. That has resulted in flouting the ethical and moral norms enshrined in the model code of conduct, issued to all political parties prior to elections every time. The use of money and muscle power during the elections is not a new phenomenon. Added to these, the hate speech, derogatory language and personal attacks have turned the election arena with a disgusting aura. The introduction of the model code of conduct was aimed at clearing the mess, but the results have not strengthened the people's faith in the democratic process of electioneering. Often, political parties take the notices issued by the Commission very lightly and bide their time till the elections are over. There are no punitive actions attached to the Code. This lightens the gravity of the model code of conduct. Moreover, the provisions lack the definite timeline for disposal of the complaints of its violations. Also, the provisions do not cover the technological developments such as AI, deep fakes etc. So, this is high time to reform the provisions of the model code of conduct. Otherwise, in future it will prove to be a damp squib in the broad election scenario.
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