There is an obvious contradiction in the narrative of the new India. On the one hand, we take pride in being the fourth-largest economy in the world, a technological and economic powerhouse. Millions, however, continue to live with a more subdued and agonising reality. We live in a country where children go to bed hungry and shining skyscrapers coexist with heartbreaking deprivation. With a score of 0.685 on the Human Development Index, which gauges knowledge, a long and healthy life, and a respectable standard of living, we are well behind many smaller economies and firmly in the "medium" category. The most pressing issue of our day is the disparity between our economic might and the welfare of our citizens.
A deep division that shatters our society is at the core of the issue. Consider our country's entire wealth as a huge pie. The richest 10% of Indians own an astounding 77% of the country's total wealth. Consider that figure. The great majority of resources are controlled by a very small number of people. At the very top, the concentration is even more intense. The richest 1% of Indians received 73% of the nation's new wealth in 2017, while the 670 million people who make up the poorest half of the population saw their wealth increase by just 1%.
This is more than just a figure on a page. There is a human cost to it. It implies that it is nearly impossible to travel from a village in Bihar to a corporate boardroom in Mumbai. In other words, a rural worker on minimum wage would have to work for 941 years to make what a top corporate executive makes in a single year, while the wealth of billionaires increased almost tenfold in just ten years. In a society already divided by caste, geography, and gender, this degree of extreme inequality makes it harder for the most vulnerable to escape poverty.
This imbalance is directly reflected in our mediocre ranking on the global Human Development Index. Three straightforward factors are examined by the index: people's longevity, educational attainment, and income level. For far too many citizens, our score indicates that we are falling short of these fundamental commitments.
This failure is most evident in our healthcare system. Public health spending by the government is among the lowest in the world. The outcome? a system in which receiving quality care is considered a luxury. Because they must cover their own medical expenses, approximately 63 million Indians are forced into poverty annually early two people every second. Infant mortality rates in the poorest states are comparable to those in sub-Saharan Africa.
Let's remember Patna's Pratima, who lived in a slum and was a member of a marginalised community. The public health centre close to her home was unable to provide her with the care she required during her pregnancy. After a delay in treatment and a frantic, debt-ridden rush for private care, she lost her twins. Pratima's experience is not a singular tragedy; rather, it is a sign of a system that views healthcare as a privilege rather than a right.
The government is not blind to these issues. In fact, it has built a vast bridge of welfare schemes trying to reach the poor. There are over 740 central government schemes, with a budget that runs into lakhs of crores. Some of these are transformative in their intent.
The goal of the Jal Jeevan Mission is to provide tap water to every rural household. In an effort to shield millions of families from financial ruin brought on by illness, the Ayushman Bharat Yojana (PM-JAY) offers health insurance. Millions of schoolchildren are fed by the PM Poshan Shakti Nirman program, which combats classroom hunger. Unquestionably, there has been progress: a World Bank report states that between 2011–12 and 2022–2023, India lifted 171 million people out of extreme poverty, a huge accomplishment. During that time, the poverty rate at the $3.65-per-day threshold decreased from 61.8% to 28.1%.
The second major gap, however, is between the plan that was introduced in Delhi and its implementation in a far-off village. The implementation is inconsistent. Sometimes, middlemen syphon off benefits. The "last-mile" connection frequently fails because of ignorance, corruption, or straightforward bureaucratic hold-ups. A villager may be eligible for a food subsidy, a pension, or a loan but not know how to apply for it. This explains why so many people still feel like they are falling behind in spite of hundreds of schemes.
So, what can be done? How do we close these gaps? The solutions must be as practical as they are compassionate.
First, we need to go beyond measures of poverty based on income. Even if a person makes just over ₹200 per day, they might not have access to a doctor, live in a house without clean water, and send their kids to a failing school. This multidimensional poverty is still a major issue that needs to be aggressively addressed. A mother covered by Ayushman Bharat, a child fed by Poshan Shakti, and a home with a tap from Jal Jeevan all need to work together.
Second, public services, particularly those related to health and education, need to be radically improved in quality. Spending more is important, but so is spending wisely. More clinics, better-equipped hospitals, and driven educators are what we need. Making public services so dependable that no one feels forced to take on debt for private care must be the aim.
Third and most importantly, we must implement tried-and-true grassroots models that address poverty with the nuance it merits. The "Graduation" model is one potent example, which was tested in India by MIT researchers and institutions such as Bandhan-Konnagar. This method provides more than a one-time assistance. A productive asset (such as livestock), training to manage it, short-term financial assistance to prevent the asset from being sold in an emergency, weekly mentoring, health education, and access to savings are all part of the sequential package it offers to the ultra-poor (typically women) over a period of 18 to 24 months.
The individual is treated holistically in this model. It develops skills, self-assurance, and sustainable means of subsistence. This program demonstrated a 433% return on investment in India, which means that households received 4.33 rupees in long-term benefits for every rupee spent. States like Madhya Pradesh, Bihar, and West Bengal have found success with it. Such intensive, hand-holding approaches must be learned from and incorporated into the government's vast, sometimes impersonal welfare architecture.
India's narrative is at a turning point. We can choose to live in a nation where silent despair coexists with glittering wealth, where growth is only measured in dollars and stock market points. Alternatively, we can go in the direction of inclusive, human-cantered development.
This is not solely the responsibility of the government. We all require a collective awakening. The wealthy must support more equitable taxation in order to finance improved hospitals and schools. For every rupee spent on welfare, the middle class must demand accountability. Pratima's passing must be viewed by all of us as a national failure.
The addition of a few billionaires to the list does not constitute true development. When no mother loses her child due to a lack of a doctor, that is true development, when hunger does not impede a child's future. When the gap between the wealthiest and the poorest is no longer a canyon but rather a bridge that we have all built together. We have to aim for that kind of India. An India that is genuinely developed at its core, not just wealthy.
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